Saturday, September 7, 2019
To Kill a Mockingbird Essay Example for Free
To Kill a Mockingbird Essay Cultural values and social practices change and evolve over time. Cultural values and social practices inevitably over time as individuals and societies are subject to change with it. In the timeless bildungsroman novel, ââ¬Å"To Kill A Mockingbirdâ⬠(1960) written by Harper Lee, it explores the confronting experiences of a young child, living in a world of racism, injustice and disability. In a more modern context, however, the novel ââ¬Å"The Family Lawâ⬠(2009) written by Benjamin Law, is a hilarious memoir describing the quirky and ââ¬Å"stranger-than-fictionâ⬠family circumstances that he and his family lived through. Both of these texts vividly describe their culture values and practices, and looking at it from a 21st century, modern perspective, we can see how much these morals and principles have changed. The novel, ââ¬Å"To Kill A Mockingbirdâ⬠is set in a town called Maycomb in Alabama in the 1930s and is a story about racism, injustice and empathy through the eyes of a young girl, Scout Finch. Scout is nearly six years old when the novel starts, and she lives with her brother Jem and her widowed father Atticus, who is a lawyer. In the novel, the Maycomb society is extremely rigid, conservative and unjust in terms of race and class. Any person who is black or is associated with blacks were looked down upon, and it is just assumed that ââ¬Å"that all Negroes lie, that all Negroes are basically immoral beings, that all Negro men are not to be trusted. â⬠The injustice towards black people is also shown through the Tom Robinson case. Even though there is sufficient and reliable proof that Robinson is innocent, he is still charged as guilty ââ¬â simply because he is black. Those of lower class are also disregarded such as Arthur Radley. Arthur is a man in his 30s, but during his teenager years, he became wild and his father locked him in their house and has never been seen since. The children of Maycomb refer to Arthur as ââ¬Å"Booâ⬠, as if he were a ghost. They made up stories and terrible rumours about him, and he is constantly being degraded, even though he is innocent. This also brings us to the importance of the title of the novel: ââ¬Å"to kill a mockingbirdâ⬠. The significance of this title is seen through a key passage in the novel: ââ¬Å"Atticus said to Jemâ⬠¦ ââ¬Å"Shoot all the blue jays you want, if you can hit ââ¬Ëem, but remember itââ¬â¢s a sin to kill a mockingbird. That was the only time I ever heard Atticus say it was a sin to do something, and I asked Miss Maudie about it. She said, Mockingbirds donââ¬â¢t do one thing except make music for us to enjoy. They donââ¬â¢t eat up peopleââ¬â¢s gardens, donââ¬â¢t nest in corn cribs, they donââ¬â¢t do one thing but sing their hearts out for us. Thatââ¬â¢s why itââ¬â¢s a sin to kill a mockingbird. â⬠In the novel, Robinson, Boo Radley, Jem and Scout are the ââ¬Å"mockingbirdsâ⬠. The mockingbird represents anyone who is weak, innocent and defenceless, and to kill a mockingbird in that sense means to take advantage of someone who is weaker than you. Tom Robinson was exploited and was accused of rape, and even though everyone knew he did not do so, they still charged him guilty, because he was black. Boo can also be considered a mockingbird, as he is taunted and looked down upon, even though he is nothing like what people describe him to be. The community take advantage of his absence and vulnerability to make fun of him, although he has done nothing wrong. Finally, Jem and Scout are also referred to as ââ¬Å"mockingbirdsâ⬠, when Bob Ewell tries to take revenge on Atticus for making him look bad in front of Maycomb. He decides to attack his children, who have done completely nothing wrong. The children are innocent and naive, but they are the target because they are so weak and helpless. Without the intervention of Arthur, Bob would have easily killed the children and impact Atticusââ¬â¢ life greatly. Lee effectively uses analogies such as these to create a more confronting method to illustrate the inequality and injustice that people faced in history. For example, she uses an analogy of the Maycomb courthouse to describe how cultures are changing: ââ¬Å"â⬠¦the concrete pillars supporting its south roof were too heavy for their burden; they were all that remained standing when the original court house burned. Another court house was built around them, or is it better to say, built in spite of themâ⬠¦the Greek revival columns clashed with a big nineteenth century housing a rusty unreliable instrument, indicating a people determined to preserve every physical scrap of the past. â⬠This passage demonstrate that the pillars were ancient ââ¬â what they held before and what they are now are of the past as the world has changed; there is no point trying to support something that is not worth supporting. In this way, segregation is like this pillar ââ¬â the people who are racist and segregate themselves from others are the pillar. They only uphold their own values, but these values are wrong and out-dated, and it is changing. Also, Lee adds irony to this analogy, as a courthouse is the place where everything is supposed to judge what is right and wrong ââ¬â it is a place where everything should be fair and just, yet, so many bigoted and unfair things have happened there. ââ¬Å"To Kill A Mockingbirdâ⬠is also about empathy and heroism. The bravery that Atticus had to stand up for the blacks was considered incredulous and degraded for doing so. He knew that the jury was going to charge Tom guilty; yet he still fought and defended him just as he would defend any other innocent person. ââ¬Å"Its when you know youre licked before you begin but you begin anyway and you see it through no matter what. â⬠He teaches his children, especially Scout the important lesson about empathy. He says, ââ¬Å"You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view Until you climb inside of his skin and walk around in it. â⬠He explains that even though some things are wrong, you have to look at it from another personââ¬â¢s perspective and understand it from their point of view. In the novel, peopleââ¬â¢s views do change, and not everyone is racist. For example, Mr Dolphus married a black woman, but due to the disgust of the white community, he pretended to be a drunk so that he could ââ¬Å"give them a reason folks can say Dolphus Raymondââ¬â¢s in the clutches of whisky ââ¬â thatââ¬â¢s why he canââ¬â¢t help himself and lives the way he does. â⬠Change does happen slowly, and once again Lee uses metaphors and analogies to portray this. When the jury took longer than usual, Atticus says he thought there was ââ¬Å"a shadow of a new beginningâ⬠, and he knows that wrong beliefs and values were starting to change. But most importantly, change can only come about through individuals first. This can be seen through the jail incident. When Mr Cunningham comes with a lynching mob, all it takes for him to realise his wrongs was when Scout talks to him. Scout was so innocent and unsure about what was happening, but it was this that made Mr Cunningham realise what he was doing was wrong and for him and his mob to go home. A mob is made of individuals, and each and every individual is capable of being nice people, because every individual has a heart. Atticus says to Scout at the end, ââ¬Å"Most people are (real nice), Scout, when you finally see themâ⬠. The way Lee structure the book is also very significant. The two major victims of the novel, Tom Robinson and Boo Radley are merged at the end at an ultimate climax. The themes of racism and disability are therefore also combined. From all the events that happened in the novel, at the end, we can see that slowly, but surely, the values that the community and individuals holds are beginning to change. ââ¬Å"The Family Lawâ⬠is a memoir written by Benjamin Law about himself and his family. From the first chapter we can already see how much culture has changed between two generations. He begins by describing his father whose attitudes and values are much different than those of his children. He expresses his experiences with his father in a humorous and light tone, and uses lots of hyperboles and rhetorical questions to engage the reader in his tales. An important part of the chapter is the description of his fatherââ¬â¢s childhood. Lawââ¬â¢s father had only seen his own father (Lawââ¬â¢s grandfather) once in his whole life, as he moved to San Francisco to earn more money. When Lawââ¬â¢s father turned 12, his father moved back to Hong Kong to see him, but within 30 minutes of seeing his son, he died. Law describes this moment: ââ¬Å"Is it possible to describe what happened next without sounding like a liar? â⬠From this chapter, we can already see how much culture has changed between 2 generations. Before, China was poor, but now it has become much more updated, innovative and modern. The fact that his grandfather had to go to America to earn money ââ¬â this is usually uncommon as families nowadays are much more likely to stay together. Also, it is much easier to communicate nowadays with improving technology compared to previous years, where even electricity was scarce. In the first chapter of ââ¬Å"The Family Lawâ⬠, we can already see distinct cultural differences between the past and the present. Cultural and social values have definitely evolved over time ââ¬â some changes may be slow and gradual such as racism or equality, and other perhaps quite fast such as technology and design. Either way, beliefs and values must change as over time, morals and customs evolve as well.
Friday, September 6, 2019
Reflection paper Essay Example for Free
Reflection paper Essay Visiting the Daybreak Family Centre gave me the opportunity to learn more about social services in reality. Albeit not having the chance to interact with their clients because we were untrained, I had a fruitful discussion session with the social workers there. ââ¬Å"Learning in social work isnââ¬â¢t a linear process,â⬠shared one of the social worker. Theories though being taught in school seems like there is an accurate answer social work is not a mere transfer of learning. With real clients, it takes time to generate solutions. Some lessons can only be self-discovered through experiences. Since social workers usually deal with case-works, this provided me another insightful take-away of the importance of self-reflection which allows most practitioners to explore reasons they response in certain ways, helping to create self-awareness of own strength and weaknesses. Social workers too have attitudes, past and prejudices that will affect their responses to certain things. Without learning from oneself and acknowledge all these, it will be exceptionally difficult for social workers to assist clients effectively. These social workers shared that critical reflection allows them to form new perspective of the situation, understand themselves better and hence, advance. In social services, the importance of maintaining confidentiality and establishing professional boundaries could not be emphasizes enough. Also, bearing in mind, social workers cannot overpower clients, make assumptions or put own expectations on them. I have learnt that only when appropriate, can then a social worker take more control of clientsââ¬â¢ lives. Social services focus on clientââ¬â¢s self-determination. Clients ultimately have to be responsible of the decisions they make. Social workers cannot allow a particular incident to affect them so as to continue their profession. It is apparent that females mainly dominate the social work profession. It struck me on how this negatively impacted the manpower issue. In particular, the root cause of delinquency is the distant-father-figure at home. Theà general consensus that men are more likely to be receptive towards other men in this issue causes a greater demand for male social workers. Unless the society takes a step forward and change this delusion that social work is a ââ¬Å"voluntary-workâ⬠, not a profession, it will be rather difficult to ameliorate this situation. This general misconception has to be addressed meritoriously. On a side note, all the social workers I have meet were like angels, kind-hearted, understanding and never failed to wear on a big-smile!
Thursday, September 5, 2019
Linguistic Politeness Study
Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers ââ¬Å"room of thinkingâ⬠above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on ââ¬Å"face workâ⬠in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or naturalâ⬠. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles ââ¬Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articlesâ⬠in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book ââ¬Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the ââ¬Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itselfâ⬠. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: ââ¬Å"â⬠¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ââ¬Ëface as ââ¬Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himselfâ⬠Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ââ¬Ëface as ââ¬Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himselfâ⬠roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, ââ¬Å"face wantsâ⬠may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes ââ¬Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreementâ⬠. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks ââ¬Å"to maintain each others faceâ⬠. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five ââ¬Å"super strategiesâ⬠used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to ââ¬Å"make strong predictionsâ⬠about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example ââ¬Å"Do.X!â⬠. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: ââ¬Å"please send us the offersâ⬠. Verb ââ¬Å"doâ⬠is used with imperatives, like in ââ¬Å"Do call usâ⬠. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . ââ¬Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say ââ¬Å"I want your wantsâ⬠he can at least sincerely indicate ââ¬Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : ââ¬Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Peteâ⬠is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants ââ¬Å"to come closerâ⬠to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of ââ¬Å"familiarâ⬠and ââ¬Å"jokingâ⬠behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social ââ¬Å"distancingâ⬠[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an ââ¬Å"outâ⬠by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: ââ¬Å"it is hot in hereâ⬠, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term ââ¬Å"face.â⬠He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, ââ¬Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contactâ⬠. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1 Linguistic Politeness Study Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers ââ¬Å"room of thinkingâ⬠above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on ââ¬Å"face workâ⬠in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or naturalâ⬠. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles ââ¬Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articlesâ⬠in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book ââ¬Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the ââ¬Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itselfâ⬠. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: ââ¬Å"â⬠¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ââ¬Ëface as ââ¬Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himselfâ⬠Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ââ¬Ëface as ââ¬Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himselfâ⬠roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, ââ¬Å"face wantsâ⬠may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes ââ¬Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreementâ⬠. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks ââ¬Å"to maintain each others faceâ⬠. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five ââ¬Å"super strategiesâ⬠used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to ââ¬Å"make strong predictionsâ⬠about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example ââ¬Å"Do.X!â⬠. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: ââ¬Å"please send us the offersâ⬠. Verb ââ¬Å"doâ⬠is used with imperatives, like in ââ¬Å"Do call usâ⬠. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . ââ¬Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say ââ¬Å"I want your wantsâ⬠he can at least sincerely indicate ââ¬Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : ââ¬Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Peteâ⬠is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants ââ¬Å"to come closerâ⬠to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of ââ¬Å"familiarâ⬠and ââ¬Å"jokingâ⬠behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social ââ¬Å"distancingâ⬠[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an ââ¬Å"outâ⬠by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: ââ¬Å"it is hot in hereâ⬠, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term ââ¬Å"face.â⬠He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, ââ¬Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contactâ⬠. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1
Wednesday, September 4, 2019
MIS :: Electronic information
Electronic information is essential to the achievement of government organizational objectives. Its reliability, integrity, and availability are significant concerns in most audits. The use of computer networks, particularly the Internet, is revolutionizing the way government conducts business. While the benefits have been enormous and vast amounts of information are now literally at our fingertips, these interconnections also pose significant risks to computer systems, information, and to the critical operations and infrastructures they support. Infrastructure elements such as telecommunications, power distribution, national defense, law enforcement, and government and emergency services are subject to these risks. The same factors that benefit operationsÃâ"speed and accessibilityÃâ"if not properly controlled, can leave them vulnerable to fraud, sabotage, and malicious or mischievous acts. In addition, natural disasters and inadvertent errors by authorized computer users can have devastating consequences if information resources are poorly protected. Recent publicized disruptions caused by virus, worm, and denial of service attacks on both commercial and governmental Web sites illustrate the potential for damage. Computer security is of increasing importance to all levels of government in minimizing the risk of malicious attacks from individuals and groups. These risks include the fraudulent loss or misuse of government resources, unauthorized access to release of sensitive information such as tax and medical records, disruption of critical operations through viruses or hacker attacks, and modification or destruction of data. The risk that information attacks will threaten vital national interests increases with the following developments in information technology: Ã⢠Monies are increasingly transferred electronically between and among governmental agencies, commercial enterprises, and individuals. Ã⢠Governments are rapidly expanding their use of electronic commerce. Ã⢠National defense and intelligence communities increasingly rely on commercially available information technology. Ã⢠Public utilities and telecommunications increasingly rely on computer systems to manage everyday operations. Ã⢠More and more sensitive economic and commercial information is exchanged electronically. Ã⢠Computer systems are rapidly increasing in complexity and interconnectivity. Ã⢠Easy-to-use hacker tools are readily available, and hacker activity is increasing. Ã⢠Paper supporting documents are being reduced or eliminated. Each of these factors significantly increases the need for ensuring the privacy, security, and availability of state and local government systems. Although as many as 80 percent of security breaches are probably never reported, the number of reported incidents is growing dramatically. For example, the number of incidents handled by Carnegie-Mellon University's CERT Coordination Center1 has multiplied over 86 times since 1990,2 rising from 252 in 1990 to 21,756 in 2000. Further, the Center has handled over 34,000 incidents during the first three quarters of 2001. Similarly, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reports that its case load of
Tuesday, September 3, 2019
The Genre of Cyberpunk :: Literature Science Fiction Essays
The Genre of Cyberpunk Cyberpunk is, as its authors would have it, a revolutionary new genre. The Movement is made up of radical new authors breaking from traditional SF ideology and prose. The style evokes a sense of fear and paranoia while overloading the reader with information. Aside from these indefinable feelings evoked by the genre, cyberpunk contains several concrete, identifiable themes in every story. The central theme is about fringe characters -- outsiders -- living in a grimy, seedy world ruled over by huge, all-encompassing megacorporations. The megacorps permeate the world of these characters with an impersonal, hopeless aura. One can either work for them as a wage-drone in mediocrity, or against them as against gods in a pitiful fight to outwit them. The cyberpunk world is completely overwhelmed, infused, and inundated by corporate technology such as decks, the Matrix, "prosthetic limbs, implanted circuitry, cosmetic surgery, genetic alteration" (Sterling xiii), and artificial intelligences . The megacorporate philosophy that everything can be bought and sold, like the technology that is bought and sold, makes human life cheap and worthless. Technology has replaced humans, much like machines today have already replaced workers on the assembly line. The Girl Who Was Plugged In is an exquisite example of cyberpunk, although it was published about a decade before the Movement. The story examines characters on the fringe of society; characters who are unaccepted and unaccepting of mainstream society. In the tradition of Gina and Rickenharp the rock-and-roll dinosaurs, Mona the prostitute, and Case the burned-out decker, P. Burke is a prime example of such an outcast. In her original and final form, Burke is "the ugly of the world" (Tiptree 45). She does actually worship the corporate gods and comes to love living in the luxury of society, but she would gladly throw it all away for Paul. Although born into the corporate hierarchy/family, Paul is as much an outsider as Burke. He's a revolutionary fighting the good fight against the megacorporate entity of GTX with the corp's own equipment, making shows "pregnant with social protest. An underground expression" (Tiptree 66). This fits with Sterling's comment that cyberpunk is due to th e "overlapping of worlds that were formerly separate: the realm of high tech, and the modern pop underground" (Sterling xi). If Burke and Paul constitute the punk archetypes of the story, then the high tech, the cyber, elements of the story are everywhere to be seen. The Genre of Cyberpunk :: Literature Science Fiction Essays The Genre of Cyberpunk Cyberpunk is, as its authors would have it, a revolutionary new genre. The Movement is made up of radical new authors breaking from traditional SF ideology and prose. The style evokes a sense of fear and paranoia while overloading the reader with information. Aside from these indefinable feelings evoked by the genre, cyberpunk contains several concrete, identifiable themes in every story. The central theme is about fringe characters -- outsiders -- living in a grimy, seedy world ruled over by huge, all-encompassing megacorporations. The megacorps permeate the world of these characters with an impersonal, hopeless aura. One can either work for them as a wage-drone in mediocrity, or against them as against gods in a pitiful fight to outwit them. The cyberpunk world is completely overwhelmed, infused, and inundated by corporate technology such as decks, the Matrix, "prosthetic limbs, implanted circuitry, cosmetic surgery, genetic alteration" (Sterling xiii), and artificial intelligences . The megacorporate philosophy that everything can be bought and sold, like the technology that is bought and sold, makes human life cheap and worthless. Technology has replaced humans, much like machines today have already replaced workers on the assembly line. The Girl Who Was Plugged In is an exquisite example of cyberpunk, although it was published about a decade before the Movement. The story examines characters on the fringe of society; characters who are unaccepted and unaccepting of mainstream society. In the tradition of Gina and Rickenharp the rock-and-roll dinosaurs, Mona the prostitute, and Case the burned-out decker, P. Burke is a prime example of such an outcast. In her original and final form, Burke is "the ugly of the world" (Tiptree 45). She does actually worship the corporate gods and comes to love living in the luxury of society, but she would gladly throw it all away for Paul. Although born into the corporate hierarchy/family, Paul is as much an outsider as Burke. He's a revolutionary fighting the good fight against the megacorporate entity of GTX with the corp's own equipment, making shows "pregnant with social protest. An underground expression" (Tiptree 66). This fits with Sterling's comment that cyberpunk is due to th e "overlapping of worlds that were formerly separate: the realm of high tech, and the modern pop underground" (Sterling xi). If Burke and Paul constitute the punk archetypes of the story, then the high tech, the cyber, elements of the story are everywhere to be seen.
Monday, September 2, 2019
Budget Cut Problems Essay -- Education Essays
Budget Cut Problems In the article ââ¬Å"Budget Cuts Multiply Students Debtâ⬠Bruce Parsons state that the budget cuts problems are not only in the tuition increase. Parsons argues that because of the budget cuts that it is hard to keep up with class work. He states that the students are to download everything and absorb the cost of printing themselves. Which adds to the cost of being a student. Parsons says that higher education has become more about profit than about learning. In conclusion Parsons states that what many people forget is that everyone is not luck and fortunate as others. Parsons first point was that the budget cut problems were not only in the increase in tuition but in the jobs in our area. In agreeing with Parsons, I believe that the budget cut will decrease our jobs. As a college student who has two more years left in college I am worried about getting the job I want. Right now I am working in a fast food restaurant and I do not plan to be there forever. So I would have to agree with Bruce Parsons that the budget cuts do pose many problems. The next point that Parsons makes is that because of the budget cuts there is a shortage of paper on campus. Students are to download syllabus and absorb the cost of printing themselves. Therefore, raising the cost of being a student. I canââ¬â¢t say that I completely agree with this point. In the couple of years that I have been in college I have never had to print syllabuses off of the Internet. I was always given a copy from my instructor. Another point made by Parson is that higher education has become more about profit instead of learning. I would have to say that I agree with this point. It seems today that all the budget cuts comes in the form of education.... ...ery seldom do you hear a parent encourage a child to be a teacher. Why is that? Because when it comes to cutting the budgets education comes first. Meaning lower pay cuts for teachers. Giving us fewer subjects to choose from. In most cases no arts and humanities. It all seems to go into a vicious circle we need an education to become a doctor or a lawyer. But then there are budget cuts and tuition goes up. Those who can afford the education cost becomes doctors and lawyers while those who better suited for the jobs become the working class that helps pay for these doctors. Other wise any of the less fortunate people have to go into debt to afford a decent tuition. Works Cited: Parsons, Btuce. ââ¬Å"Budget Cuts Multiply Students Debts.â⬠The Trail Blazer Online. 18 February 2004. Morehead State University. 18 February 2004.
Sunday, September 1, 2019
Education and Training that supports the Changing Economy
Our mission is to provide a commonly available education with an international perspective, receptive to the needs of the individual and the economy at large.We contend that quality education and training is a vital requirement for a knowledge-based economy.Ã We consider deeply in the inherent value of life-long learning.Ã Our commitment with industry, business, and higher educational colleges highlight the foundations on which the School has been established.Ã Our nucleus and ways of working are that we:Place students and teachers at the center of all our activities;Promote and coerce for high standards and achievements;Are dedicated to excellence in all our tasks;Are a comprehensive school that encourage lifelong learning and equal opportunities;Promote team working and the distribution of knowledge, information and experiences;Value and energetically hearten respect for the environment; andDemeanor all our operations in a professional manner, with integrity, competence, a ccountability and collective dependability.Strategic AimsThe strategic objectives upon which this strategic plan is based are:To augment and widen the contribution of students, raise accomplishment whilst ensuring succession and equal opportunities;To induce competence, accountability and value for money;To provide a secure, convivial, friendly and superb teaching and learning environment;To consistently develop and sustain a professional, technically competent and effective staff;To construct effective national and international partnerships, school links, university links and collaborative arrangements;To sustain and enhance a positive approach towards equal opportunities irrespective of unjustified differences;To adopt a marketing oriented approach in research, analysis and catering for the target markets;To meet the training needs of staff through consultations with professional bodies and employers; andTo become a key player and a centre of distinction with respect to internati onal students.References:Johnson G.; Scholes K.; Whittington R. (2005). Exploring Corporate Strategy. Seventh Edition. England: Pearson Education Limited.Rugman M. A.; Verbeke A. (1998). Corporate Strategy and International Environmental Policy. Journal of International Business Studies, Vol. 29, Issue 4.Wagner T. (2000). How Schools Change: Lessons from Three Communities Revisited. New York: Routledge Falmer.
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